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48. The two other types are (1) formal or axiomatic approaches and (2) encyclopedic listings with flattened or standardized nomenclatures. Both present other sorts of equally interesting political problems (Star 1989). |
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49. The term community of practice is interchangeable with the term social world (Strauss 1978, Clarke 1991, 1990) although they have different historical origins. |
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50. Clearly questions of language are central here as well, and we do not mean to exclude them by emphasizing things. Language considered as situated tool, in relationship with other tools and things, is part of this model. |
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51. The work of Schütz (1944) and subsequent ethnomethodologists such as Cicourel, Sacks, and Schegeloff, among many others, investigates this naturalization process through language. |
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52. Deconstructing this invisibility is one of the major shared projects of ethnomethodology, symbolic interactionist studies of science and of gender, and the Annalist school of historiography. |
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53. Things, strictly speaking, do not analytically have membership, in the sense of negotiated identity. |
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54. Thanks to Peter Garrett for insightful discussions of this topic. |
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55. We borrow the phrase from Howard Becker's classic, "A School is a Lousy Place to Learn Anything In," an essay that covers related ground (1972). |
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56. One of the intriguing features of electronic interaction is that it makes disclosure of these memberships voluntary, or at least problematic, where participants do not know each other in real life. |
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57. This distinction is in line with Strauss' original distinction between production work and articulation work (1988, Strauss et al. 1985). |
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58. The classification of societies, ranging from "primitive" to "developed" is of course a particularly tendentious one with its own complex political history. For a direct criticism from the library vantagepoint, see Berman (1993, 1984) and Dodge and DeSirey (1995). |
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59. We are grateful to Ina Wagner (personal communication July 8, 1998) for coining this term. |
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