Andy--
I realize that what you said was that people like me who
reject the label "romantic science" and maintain the strong link
between Vygotsky and Spinoza are those who wish to cling to elements of
Kant, and that these elements are essential enlightenment universals
(e.g. a belief, which I certainly do hold, in development). It seems
to me that this casts Kant as an essentially enlightenment figure. That
is odd because I have always read him as an arch-romantic, for three
reasons.
First of all, Kant was the real source of the idea that
individual minds were logically prior to socialized ones. As you say,
this involved fragmenting the mind into faculties, and Vygotsky's
genetic law, tying the unity of psychic functions to real relations
between actual people, is an attempt to undo this. But to me that makes
the genetic law anti-romantic rather than romantic.
Secondly, Kant is really responding, not to Hegel, but to
Descartes, as well as to the Anglo-Scottish empiricists (Berkeley,
Hume). Cartesianism assumes there is some kind of physical link between
body and soul (in the pineal gland, or in the "humors" of the nerves)
which makes the unmediated action of reason on matter possible. Kant
completely severs that link, in a way that seems to me
anti-enlightenment (rather than anti-scholastic).The empiricists insist
on a link between matter and consciousness (albeit rather the reverse
of what Cartesians assume). They are skeptical about the idea of an
independent consciousness, and Kant insists upon sovereign reason in a
way that makes the romantic cult of individual inspiration not only
possible but intellectually necessary.
Thirdly, I guess I think the ultimate criterion for looking
at the history of ideas is history, and not ideas, and historically we
really have to place Kant among the romantics. Brown, for example,
locates Kantianism even in the MUSIC of the time--the emphasis on
establishing a sovereign consciousness quite independent of music as a
social event that we find in nineteenth century symphonies rather than
eighteenth century minuets. But there is clearly no direct connection
here; we don't think that Schumann read Kant and then composed. So what
Kant is doing, in the late eighteenth-century and early nineteenth, as
the world roils in the aftermath to the French Revolution, is
articulating a kind of general Zeitgeist which is the same one which
produced the Wagnerian belief in pre-existing "tones" at the
foundations of the world--it's basically an intellectualistic and
individualistic reaction to the death of revolutionary hope for social
revolution across Europe.
Mutatis mutandis, the same thing happened in Russia, but it
didn't happen uniformly. Reaction, as well as revolution, is always
uneven and combined in its effects. So we can still clearly hear the
notes of higher modernism of the Russian Revolution in Shostakovich's
work (The Leningrad Symphony) but they are muted in Prokofiev (War and
Peace). Similarly, I think the "revolutionary" turning inward did
happen to Luria's psychology--for understandable reasons, he had
to retreat from cultural historical psychology to a brilliant career in
neurology. I thnk it also happened to Leontiev: the intellectualism and
the objectivism of his concept of activity, which you yourself have
pointed out, is as much a response to the Moscow Trials as
Merleau-Ponty's "Humanism and Terrorism" was.
But it never happened to Vygotsky. I think, had he survived
and had we been able to read his later work, Vygotsky would have
sounded to our ears more like Shostakovich than like Prokofiev.
David Kellogg
Hankuk University of Foreign Studies