Re: [xmca] What is "structural change in the psyche"?

[mike cole <lchcmike@gmail.com>]

Hi Valerie--

A problem with the metaphor of cognitive maps is that it is used very much
as an internalized representation of unspecified structure. At least LSV
gives us a triangle, as minimalist as that is.
I kind of like Kennth Burke's pentad and the dramatic metaphor as a way to
provide systematic
consideration of the structure of human action. Of course, like any such
formulation (Yrjo's expanded triangle) it is not all encompassing (note
David Ke's comments on pluralism), any such scheme is partial whatever its
all encompassing ambitions.

On Fri, Jan 21, 2011 at 2:02 AM, Valerie Anne Wilkinson <
vwilk@inf.shizuoka.ac.jp> wrote:

> We could use the term "cognitive mapping" to describe structural change in
> the psyche,
> whether from an "emic" or an "etic" point of view.
>
> It's just an idea because linguistics led to phonemes and phonetics, which
> led to "etic" and "etic" being used in anthropology etc. more abstractly.
>  Useful.
>
>
> On 平成23/01/21, at 10:05, mike cole wrote:
>
> > Here is a relevant set of ideas, i believe. A mystery author perhaps.
> (Hint-
> > retrieved from marxists.org)
> > mike
> >
> > ----------------
> >
> > The mnemotechnical memorizing can thus be divided without remainder into
> the
> > same conditional reflexes as natural memorizing. The only new features
> are
> > the substitution of two connections for one, the construction or
> combination
> > of nervous connections, and the direction given to the process of
> connection
> > by means of a sign. Thus new features consist not in the elements but in
> the
> > structure of the cultural methods of mnemonics.
> > The structure
> >
> > The second task of scientific investigation is to elucidate *the
> structure *of
> > that method [of remembering-mc]. Although each method of cultural
> behaviour
> > consists, as it is shown by the analysis, of natural psychological
> > processes, yet that method unites them not in a mechanical, but in a
> > structural way. In other words, all processes forming part of that method
> > form a complicated functional and structural unity. This unity is
> effected,
> > first, by the task which must be solved by the given method, and
> secondly,
> > by the means by which that method can be followed.
> >
> > The same problem, if solved by different means, will have a different
> > structure. If a child in the above mentioned situation turns to the aid
> of
> > external memorizing means, the whole structure of his processes will be
> > determined by the character of the means which he has selected.
> Memorizing
> > on different systems of signs will be different in its structure. A sign
> or
> > an auxiliary means of a cultural method thus forms a structural and
> > functional centre, which determines the whole composition of the
> operation
> > and the relative importance of each separate process.
> >
> > The inclusion in any process of a sign remodels the whole structure of
> > psychological operations, just as the inclusion of a tool remodels the
> whole
> > structure of a labour operation. The structures thus formed have their
> > specific laws. You find in them that some psychological operations are
> > replaced by others which cause the same results, but by quite different
> > methods. Thus, for example, in memorizing mnemotechnically, the various
> > psychological functions, such as comparison, the renewal of old
> connections,
> > logical operations, reasoning, etc., all become aids to memorizing. It is
> > precisely the structure which combines all the separate processes, which
> are
> > the component parts of the cultural habit of behaviour, which transforms
> > this habit into a psychological function, and which fulfils its task with
> > respect to the behaviour as a whole.
> > The genesis
> >
> > However, that structure does not remain unchanged. That is the most
> > important point of all we know concerning the cultural development of the
> > child. This structure is not an outward, ready-made creation. It
> originates
> > in conformance with definite laws at a certain stage of the natural
> > development of the child. It cannot be forced on the child from outside,
> it
> > always originates inwardly, although it is modelled by the deciding
> > influence of external problems with which the child is faced and the
> > external signs with which it operates. After the structure comes into
> being,
> > it does not remain unchanged, but is subject to a lengthy internal change
> > which shows all the signs of development.
> > A new method of behaviour does not simply remain fixed as a certain
> external
> > habit. It has its internal history. It is included in the general process
> of
> > the development of a child’s behaviour, and we therefore have a right to
> > talk of a genetic relation between certain structures of cultural
> reasoning
> > and behaviour, and of the development of the methods of behaviour. This
> > development is certainly of a special kind, is radically different from
> the
> > organic development and has its own definite laws. It is extremely
> difficult
> > to grasp and express precisely the peculiarity of that type of
> development.
> > In basing our position on critical explanations and on a series of
> schemes
> > suggested by experimental investigations, we shall try to take certain
> steps
> > toward the correct understanding of this development.
> >
> > On Thu, Jan 20, 2011 at 1:53 PM, Gregory Allan Thompson <
> > gathomps@uchicago.edu> wrote:
> >
> >> Hi Andy,
> >> I was just wondering whether you might be willing to say more what is
> meant
> >> by "a structural change in the psyche" in your post. This seems a rather
> >> idealist (vs. materialist) notion. Is that how you mean it?
> >>
> >> In trying to reformulate it in less idealistic terms, I came up with: "a
> >> structural change in one's understanding of the relationships between
> signs,
> >> and in the relationship of those signs to oneself". But I don't know
> that
> >> this gets us out of idealism and the attendant dualism.
> >>
> >> Relatedly, you had once posted a question about the difference between
> the
> >> "dollar in your head" and the "dollar in your pocket". I assume that
> this is
> >> a similar question/problematic.
> >>
> >> Maybe if we spoke of "habits and practices that involve the
> relationships
> >> between signs and their relations to us", maybe that gets closer to a
> >> non-dualistic way of talking about these things?
> >>
> >> Any suggestions?
> >> -greg
> >>
> >>> Message: 4
> >>> Date: Thu, 20 Jan 2011 15:33:51 +1100
> >>> From: Andy Blunden <ablunden@mira.net>
> >>> Subject: Re: [xmca] Leading activities and central lines of
> >>>      development
> >>> To: "eXtended Mind, Culture, Activity" <xmca@weber.ucsd.edu>
> >>> Message-ID: <4D37BB2F.9000709@mira.net>
> >>> Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1; format=flowed
> >>>
> >>> Larry, I am not familiar with Mike and Natalia's paper, and they
> >>> obviously will speak for themselves. But I think that the central or
> >>> leading activity, and certainly a central or leading *motive* is not
> the
> >>> same thing as "central line of development," which refers to that
> >>> activity which promotes development towards a structural change in the
> >>> psyche of the developing person. This may or may not be present in any
> >>> given situation, for a child playing a game or a grad student
> >> participating.
> >>>
> >>> Andy
> >>>
> >>> Larry Purss wrote:
> >>>> Help with a question
> >>>> Recently Andy asked a question about clarification of the concept of
> >>>> "central lines of development.
> >>>> I  have been reading the article by Mike Cole and Natalia Gajdamaschko
> >> and
> >>>> there is a section with the heading
> >>>> "Heterogeneity of 'Leading' Activity in the Course of a Single Game
> >> Episode"
> >>>>
> >>>> Tmike and Natalia suggest there were several "leading" activities
> >>>> POTENTIALLY present, each associated with differentage periods.
>  Leading
> >>>> activities such as:
> >>>> - need to be loved and accepted
> >>>> - play
> >>>> - learning
> >>>> - peer interaction
> >>>> - work
> >>>>
> >>>> My question is if these leading activities may not be age specific.
> >> Each of
> >>>> us may be centrally motivated by a particular leading activity which
> >>>> fluctuates from moment to moment in activity.  In the example in the
> >> article
> >>>> an undergraduate, Jill Silverstein, was writing field notes of the
> fifth
> >>>> dimension activity.  Mike and Natalia when interpreting the fieldnotes
> >>>> suggest Jill initially had a central motive of affiliation while play
> >> was
> >>>> the leading activity for the children.  There was a confusion about
> the
> >>>> rules of the game and the adult entered into the game and learning at
> >> that
> >>>> moment became a central motive.
> >>>>
> >>>> There were many  transitions in motives during the game  and Mike and
> >>>> Natalia summed up this section by stating,
> >>>>
> >>>> "As this example makes clear, not only are the girls able to be a
> "head
> >>>> taller" but a "head shorter" in the course of a single stretch of a
> >> joint
> >>>> game play mediated by the computer game and each other" [p.275]
> >>>>
> >>>> This statement points to notions of volition [agency] which are fluid
> >> and
> >>>> interchangeable when contained within supportive contexts
> [interweaving]
> >>>>
> >>>> How does this observation fit with the notion of a CENTRAL line of
> >>>> development? Is it possible that there is more heterogeneity in the
> >> lines of
> >>>> development than implied in the concept "central"?  Could the concept
> of
> >>>> central lines of development be describing historical forms of
> >>>> development which develop in particular settings when 5 year olds
> enter
> >>>> school environments?
> >>>>
> >>>> I may still be confused and misinterpreting Mike and Natalia's
> position
> >> but
> >>>> I am trying to understand if some of the more basic leading activities
> >> [such
> >>>> as affiliation] remain central WHEN THREATENED but become implicit and
> >> taken
> >>>> for granted when the person is secure and contained.  If there is some
> >> merit
> >>>> to this position then issues of security and attachment needs may
> recede
> >>>> into the background and other leading activities come to the
> foreground
> >> when
> >>>> basic attachment needs are met.  However when there is a perceived
> >> threat
> >>>> to  basic security needs then earlier leading activities or motives
> also
> >>>> return at any age.
> >>>>
> >>>> Larry
> >>>> __________________________________________
> >>>> _____
> >>>> xmca mailing list
> >>>> xmca@weber.ucsd.edu
> >>>> http://dss.ucsd.edu/mailman/listinfo/xmca
> >>>>
> >>>>
> >>>>
> >> __________________________________________
> >> _____
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> >>
> > __________________________________________
> > _____
> > xmca mailing list
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>
> Valerie A. Wilkinson, Ph.D.
> Professor of Communication
> Faculty of Information, Shizuoka University
> 3-5-1 Johoku, Hamamatsu, Japan 432-8011
> http://www.inf.shizuoka.ac.jp/~vwilk/<http://www.inf.shizuoka.ac.jp/%7Evwilk/>
> vwilk@inf.shizuoka.ac.jp
> phone 81 (53) 478-1529
>
>
>
>
>
>
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