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Re: [xmca] The strange situation
- To: lchcmike@gmail.com, "eXtended Mind, Culture, Activity" <xmca@weber.ucsd.edu>
- Subject: Re: [xmca] The strange situation
- From: ERIC.RAMBERG@spps.org
- Date: Fri, 26 Mar 2010 09:11:31 -0500
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As always I will venture into the possibility of being irrelevant; but
consider the following:
Vygotsky (1934/1999) writes,
Adolescence, therefore, is less a period of completion than one of crisis
and transition. The transitional character of adolescent thinking becomes
especially evident when we observe the actual functioning of the newly
acquired concepts. Experiments specially devised to study the adolescent's
operations with concepts bring out, in the first place, a striking
discrepancy between his ability to form concepts and his ability to define
them. The adolescent will form and use a concept quite correctly in a
concrete situation, but will find it strangely difficult to express that
concept in words, and the verbal definition will, in most cases, be much
narrower than might have been expected from the way he used the concept.
The same discrepancy occurs also in adult thinking, even at very advanced
levels. This confirms the assumption that concepts evolve in ways
differing from deliberate conscious elaborations of experience in logical
terms. Analysis of reality with the help of concepts precedes analysis of
the concepts themselves. (p. 141)
Vygotsky clearly distinguishes between what an adolescent knows, what an
adolescent can verbalize and how that same adolescent may perform
activities that validate that knowledge.
Describing an experiment conducted by Vygotsky and his colleagues will
illustrate the correlation of psychological tool use to a person's
cognitive development. The study can be referred to as the "forbidden
color" experiment. It consists of two trials. The experimenter provides
the subject with the direction that they are forbidden from using certain
hues to describe colored geometric figures being displayed. In one trial
the subject is given cards to remind them of the forbidden hue, in the
other they must describe the displayed figure without cards. The results
of the study showed that preschool age students made as many mistakes with
the cards as without, that adolescents made many more mistakes during the
trial without the cards and that adults were similar in the amount of
mistakes made with the memory aids as without the cards (Vygotsky, 1997b).
Vygotsky concluded that the use of the cards by the adolescents showed
their dependence on the provided psychological tools. The impact of this
conclusion on the assessment of an adolescent's abilities is staggering,
especially for a transition teacher who must assess a student's community
based abilities. If the adolescent is depending upon provided external
psychological tools as opposed to internalized psychological tools, then
it is discriminatory to assess the adolescent's community-based abilities
via school-bound instruments. Having a student fill out a questionnaire
and interviewing the mother over the phone about her son's abilities is a
far cry from observing the same student plan a meal, shop for a meal and
cook a meal.
I have always considered Seth Chaiklin's idea of the zpd being the
measurement of a child's potential growth. So perhaps the following idea
is not zpd but similar and very relevant: Zoped: a culturally based
activity that provides an opportunity for individuals to apply scientific
concepts to everyday experiences via the assistance of somebody more
experienced with the scientific concepts related to the goals of the
culturally based activity.
what do other's think?
eric
mike cole <lchcmike@gmail.com>
Sent by: xmca-bounces@weber.ucsd.edu
03/25/2010 10:49 AM
Please respond to lchcmike; Please respond to "eXtended Mind, Culture,
Activity"
To: "eXtended Mind, Culture, Activity" <xmca@weber.ucsd.edu>
cc:
Subject: Re: [xmca] The strange situation
I will not err by entering into this discussion until I am sure I am not
being irrelevant. Two brief comments that I think are probably not
irrelevant.
1. A lot of work has been done along lines initiated by eleanor r in the
1970's. I will check for an update of the current thinking along lines she
started and see what I can find.
2. It may be worth people's while to remember that Davydov had his own
criticism of Vygotsky's notion of scientific concept which clearly does go
back to Hegel. For a summary of the discussion, see Engestrom, Ch. 4 at
http://lchc.ucsd.edu/mca/Paper/Engestrom/expanding/ch4.htm
mike
On Thu, Mar 25, 2010 at 8:08 AM, Steve Gabosch <stevegabosch@me.com>
wrote:
> Thank you VERY much for this, David. You have just completely
re-oriented
> me to Ch6sect6 - I feel like I woke up and turned a light on and
discovered
> I had only been getting 1/3 of it, and now I am getting 2/3 of that
> difficult and fascinating section. This was extremely helpful. I am
> finding that the more I set aside what I thought I knew about concept
> formation from Ch5, the more I understand Ch6.
>
> What is your take on the relationship between the pseudoconcept of Ch5
and
> the preconcept of Ch6?
>
> - Steve
>
>
>
>
>
> On Mar 24, 2010, at 10:02 PM, David Kellogg wrote:
>
> Andy, Steve:
>>
>> Take a look at these. The translations are my own but the page numbers
>> suggest the corresponding bits in your Minick translation.
>>
>> "We have first of all succeeded in discovering that generality
>> (differences in generality) does not coincide with the structure of
>> generalization and its different stages such as we found them in our
>> experimental study on the formation of concepts: syncretic images,
>> complexes, preconcepts, and concepts. (roughly, p. 225 in your Minick)"
>>
>> You can see from this that "preconcepts" is NOT a general term
including
>> syncretisms, complexes any more than "rose" is a general term including
>> daisies and daffodils.
>>
>> "In the first place, concepts of different generality are possible in a
>> same generalization structure. For example, in the structure of
concepts by
>> complexes it is possible for concepts of different levels of generality
to
>> exist: flower, and rose. In truth, we must state a reservation from the
very
>> outset, that is to say that the relationship of generalization
"flower-rose"
>> will be different in each structure of generalization, for example,
>> different in the structure of complexes from in the structure of
>> preconcepts." (225)
>>
>> We can see from this that LSV does NOT consider a preconcept to be a
>> complex.
>>
>> "Thanks to the analysis of the real concepts of the child, we have been
>> able to study some less well-known properties of syncretic formations,
>> complexes, and preconcepts and to establish what in each of these
spheres of
>> thinking is shown to be different in the relationship with the object
as
>> well as the apprehension of the object by thought, that is to say, how
the
>> two fundamental elements which characterize concepts are revealed to be
>> different from one stage to another." (228)
>>
>> Once again, "preconcepts" are not the preconceptual functional
equivalents
>> of concepts (that is, they are not a hypernym for syncretic heaps and
>> complexes). But here Vygotsky suggests that there are two processes and
not
>> one at work in concept formation.
>>
>> One is indeed a form of activity: it's a relationship with the object,
>> e.g. ostension, indication, and naming. But the other is "the
apprehension
>> of the object by thought", the way in which the object is represented
>> (reflected/refracted/semiotically reproduced) by the mind.
>>
>> "What we have managed to establish here with respect to the passage
from
>> the preconcepts of the schoolchild to the concepts of the adolescent is
the
>> same thing that we managed to establish in the preceding study with
respect
>> to the passage of generalized perceptions to general representations,
that
>> is to say syncretic formations and complexes." (230)
>>
>> This appears to be a direct reference to Chapter Five. In 1931, LSV
>> considered this to be a study of concept formation in ADOLESCENTS. But
now
>> he appears to have changed his mind: the previous chapter is concerned
with
>> the passage from generalized perceptions to general representations,
and is
>> thus a matter of preschoolers. This is quite consistent with what Paula
did
>> with three year olds to eight year olds.
>>
>> "Just as in that case it turned out that a new stage in the development
of
>> generalizations can only be attained by the transformation, not the
>> annulment, of the preceding stage, by the generalization of the objects
>> already generalized, not by proceeding anew from the generalization of
>> single objects, in the same way here the study has shown that the
transition
>> from preconcepts (of which the typical example is the arithmetical
concept
>> of the school child) to the true concepts of the adolescent (of which
the
>> typical example is the algebraic concept) happens through the
generalization
>> of objects which have already been generalized."
>>
>> And here we see why! The generalized perception is the PRECONDITION of
the
>> general representation. And the general representation is the
precondition
>> of the concept. The example he gives us is numbers.
>>
>> Of course, at the very lowest level, numbers really are the result of
the
>> activity of the perceptible and perceptual activity of counting. But
take
>> away the objects, and the number remains as a generalized
representation.
>> And when we take away the number, and deal only with the realtion of
number,
>> the concept remains.
>>
>> "The preconcept is the abstraction of the number, detached from the
object
>> and, founded on this abstraction, the generalization of the numerical
>> properties of the object. The concept is the abstraction detached from
the
>> number and, founded on it, the generalization of any relation between
>> numbers. But the abstraction and generalization of ideas differs
>> fundamentally from the abstraction and the generalization of things. It
is
>> not a pursuit of movement in the same direction or its culmination, it
is
>> the beginning of a movement in a new direction, a transition to a new
and
>> higher plane of thinking. (230)"
>>
>> This of course returns us to a point that Vygotsky made in the very
first
>> chapter and returns again to in the very last: the "dialectical leap"
is not
>> simply from inanimate to animate, but from perception to thinking.
>>
>> There is a qualitative difference between the abstraction and
>> generalization of perceptions and the abstraction and generalization of
>> thoughts; they are distinct processes, and the word "activity" applies
much
>> more accurately to the former than the latter.
>>
>> David Kellogg
>> Seoul National University of Education
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> --- On Wed, 3/24/10, Andy Blunden <ablunden@mira.net> wrote:
>>
>>
>> From: Andy Blunden <ablunden@mira.net>
>> Subject: Re: [xmca] The strange situation
>> To: "eXtended Mind, Culture, Activity" <xmca@weber.ucsd.edu>
>> Date: Wednesday, March 24, 2010, 9:30 PM
>>
>>
>> Steve, briefly and without references, my take was:
>>
>> * *preconcepts* are a family name for all the thought-forms prior to
true
>> concepts and so includes potential concepts, pseduoconcepts, complexes.
etc.
>>
>> * *potential concepts* are, as far as I can, see the highest type of
>> pseudoconcept, marked by its "transferability" to different sensory
fields.
>> Here the attributes have been completely isolated from their
substratum.
>>
>> * *complex* is a family name for a whole group of forms including both
>> pseudo- and potential concepts.
>>
>> Andy
>>
>> Steve Gabosch wrote:
>>
>>> David, thanks again for these extremely useful files of your
translations
>>> of T&S from Meccaci, Seve, Prout, and your Korean team. I am in awe
of the
>>> work you did, and are still doing.
>>>
>>> I thought where we got stuck last year was on that pesky creature from
Ch
>>> 5, the 'potential concept,' not the clearer concept, 'pseudoconcept'.
I
>>> think Vygotsky leaves no doubt that the pseudoconcept is a complex. I
am
>>> still struggling with precisely what a potential concept is.
>>>
>>> Both complicated concepts, potential concept and pseudoconcept, seem
to
>>> be subsumed into the Ch 6 term 'preconcept'. That move gives us a
simpler
>>> term, but leaves many questions unanswered. It leaves us little
choice but
>>> to investigate concept formation ourselves.
>>>
>>> Martin, I would be most interested, when you have the time, if you
took
>>> your recent very excellent questions and reframed them, or more
precisely,
>>> sharpened them, in light of Ch 6. I think some important work can be
done
>>> analyzing Ch 5 in terms of Ch 6 - and looking at Ch 6, especially
section 6,
>>> in terms of Ch 5.
>>>
>>> Apparently about 3, 4 or 5 years did separate the main writing of
these
>>> two chapters, as you and Paula suggest. On one hand, there is an
explosion
>>> of ideas in Ch 6 sect 6 that are barely touched on or anticipated in
Ch 5.
>>> On the other hand, the rich, specific ideas in Ch 5 are
insufficiently
>>> dealt in light of the new, general ideas in Ch 6 sect 6. Vygotsky
left that
>>> challenge to us as well.
>>>
>>> - Steve
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>>
>>> On Mar 24, 2010, at 5:35 PM, David Kellogg wrote:
>>>
>>> Martin, Steve:
>>>>
>>>> Last night I showed a picture of an iguana to my graduate seminar and
>>>> asked what it was. Everybody said it was an ALLIGATOR. This is
strange,
>>>> because the word "iguana" exists as a loan word from English in
Korean, and
>>>> in fact everybody confirmed that they knew the word, but the word
>>>> "alligator" does not exist in Korean and instead we use a Chinese
loan word
>>>> (literally, "evil fish").
>>>>
>>>> What this means is that my grads have the WORD but not the CONCEPT of
>>>> Iguana--it is an example of a concept for others but not for myself.
This is
>>>> not the only situation where that is true, of course. For example,
the words
>>>> "Miss" and "Mister" also exist in Korean as loan words, but they are
quite
>>>> impolite and used to refer to social inferiors (bar girls,
prostitutes,
>>>> secretaries or waiters or male underlings of one kind or another).
Here too
>>>> the concept of the English polite form of address exists as a word
but not
>>>> as a concept.
>>>>
>>>> Last year I suggested to Steve that in Chapter Six Vygotsky uses the
>>>> word "preconcept" to refer to this situation, and that therefore the
word
>>>> "preconcept" is used in preference to "pseudoconcept" in Chapter Six.
Steve
>>>> objected that Chapter Five clearly says that a pseudoconcept is not a
>>>> concept at all, but a complex, while Chapter Six says that it is
indeed a
>>>> concept, although not a concept for myself.
>>>>
>>>> I'm still unconvinced. As Steve says there really IS a shift of
opinion
>>>> on a number of issues in Chapter Six (the carry over from one
structure of
>>>> generalization to another, for example, and also the issue of whether
>>>> concepts can be taught to pre-adolescents). The word "pseudoconcept",
which
>>>> is so misleading that it even confuses LSV himself sometimes, is not
LSV's
>>>> coinage; he took it from the Sterns,who took it from somebody else.
>>>>
>>>> So it seems to me that "pseudoconcept" in Chapter Five is a concept
for
>>>> others (for the Sterns), and it only becomes a concept for LSV
himself in
>>>> Chapter Six!
>>>>
>>>> David Kellogg
>>>> Seoul National University of Education
>>>>
>>>> Attached is OUR re-reading of Chapter Six, here in Seoul.Sorry about
the
>>>> Korean!
>>>>
>>>> --- On Wed, 3/24/10, Martin Packer <packer@duq.edu> wrote:
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> From: Martin Packer <packer@duq.edu>
>>>> Subject: Re: [xmca] The strange situation
>>>> To: "eXtended Mind, Culture, Activity" <xmca@weber.ucsd.edu>
>>>> Date: Wednesday, March 24, 2010, 12:57 PM
>>>>
>>>>
>>>> Thanks, Steve,
>>>>
>>>> I've been putting off re-reading chapter 6, but I have to bite the
>>>> bullet soon. I was thinking that trying to figure out what LSV had
come up
>>>> with and written about in chap 5 (and Paula has pointed out that he
seems to
>>>> have had this figured out by 1930) would itself be valuable. But you
make a
>>>> cogent argument.
>>>>
>>>> Martin
>>>>
>>>> On Mar 24, 2010, at 1:39 PM, Steve Gabosch wrote:
>>>>
>>>> These are really, really good questions, Martin. All worth very
>>>>> serious exploration.
>>>>>
>>>>> My take on Chapter 5, after doing some study of it, and Chapter 6,
last
>>>>> year with David Ke. and Paula T., and some discussion here on xmca,
is that
>>>>> Ch 5 might be best understood in terms of Chapter 6, especially
section 6
>>>>> starting on pg 224 of Vol 1. Here Vygotsky gets to his major
theoretical
>>>>> discussion of systems of concepts, and critiques the limitations of
the
>>>>> block experiments on page 228 and 229.
>>>>>
>>>>> He explains that the block experiment "ignored the fact that **each
new
>>>>> stage in the development of generalization depends on the
generalizations
>>>>> found in the preceding stages.**" pg 229. He was critical of the
block
>>>>> experiment not revealing connections or transitions between the
stages of
>>>>> concept development. He felt he was able to reveal these
connections with
>>>>> the experiments described in Chapter 6.
>>>>>
>>>>> It is important to emphasize that he does not at all **reject** the
>>>>> work described in Chapter 5 - the syncretic heap, complexes, and
what he now
>>>>> calls preconcepts (was pseudoconcepts), and true concepts, are still
intact
>>>>> - but he **adds** a whole new level of theorizing that he saw as
crucial -
>>>>> suggestions for solutions to "the central problem" of his research
in
>>>>> Chapter 6, involving systems and relationships of generality, the
law of
>>>>> concept equivalence (any concept can be represented through other
concepts
>>>>> in an infinite number of ways), measures of generality, systems of
concepts,
>>>>> etc. Vygotsky's most advanced thinking about concept formation is
here in
>>>>> this section. And some of your very good questions are addressed.
>>>>>
>>>>> This is why I think that Chapter 5 needs to be seen as something of
a
>>>>> building block toward section 6 in Chapter 6, and that it might be
easier to
>>>>> read Chapter 6 sect 6 first and work backwards, or work them
together as one
>>>>> study. And don't forget that Vygotsky's publisher or maybe even
Vygotsky
>>>>> himself got longitude and latitude backwards in the globe metaphor
when he
>>>>> explains the law of concept equivalence! (pg 226) LOL
>>>>>
>>>>> Chapter 6 as a whole, of course, has much material on everyday vs
>>>>> scientific concepts, as well as the oft-quoted passages on the zone
of
>>>>> proximal development, so that difficult section 6 in Ch 6 kind of
gets
>>>>> overshadowed, and maybe a little disconnected from Chapter 5. The
two need
>>>>> to be dialectically joined, I believe, to really grasp what Vygotsky
was
>>>>> trying to do in both chapters. And there is also some discussion on
pg 189
>>>>> in section 2 in Chapter 6, and maybe a few other places in that
chapter,
>>>>> about complexes and so forth, that may also shed some helpful light
on some
>>>>> specifics in Chapter 5.
>>>>>
>>>>> - Steve
>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>> On Mar 23, 2010, at 1:25 PM, Martin Packer wrote:
>>>>>
>>>>> I am taking the liberty of recycling this subject heading, after
>>>>>> having spent some time re-reading the posts over the weekend. I
seem to have
>>>>>> played a large part in hijacking this thread some time last year,
with my
>>>>>> obsession over the meaning of the term 'reflection.'
>>>>>>
>>>>>> So this message is partly penance, but it also me trying to make
sense
>>>>>> of LSV's block task and what it tells us about his views of
concepts, and
>>>>>> their development. I find myself with the following questions:
>>>>>>
>>>>>> 1. It seems to be the case that in chapter 5 LSV doesn't mention
the
>>>>>> distinction between everyday concepts and scientific concepts. Is
it at all
>>>>>> possible that what in chapter 6 he calls "everyday concepts" are
what he
>>>>>> refers to in chapter 5 as complexes? I suspect not, but the
question seems
>>>>>> worth asking.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> 2. LSV seems to offer not one but two explanations of how the child
>>>>>> (or rather the adolescent) forms concepts. The first explanation is
that
>>>>>> concepts arise from the advanced application of the processes of
>>>>>> generalization and abstraction, specifically that the word is now
used
>>>>>> functionally for voluntary control of attention, permitting a
mastery of
>>>>>> these processes. The second explanation is based on the
phenotypical
>>>>>> identity and functional similarity of concepts and pseudoconcepts.
The
>>>>>> latter are actually complexes, but they look like concepts and so
when child
>>>>>> and adult interact the adult takes them to be concepts. The child
is in a
>>>>>> sense then using concepts without knowing it, and LSV appeals to
the
>>>>>> familiar Hegelian process of in-itself, for-others, for-self, to
explain how
>>>>>> this "internal contradiction"is the "basic genetic prerequisite"
for the
>>>>>> rise of true concepts.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> I'm not suggesting that these two explanations are incompatible or
>>>>>> mutually exclusive. But LSV does not seem to try to bring them
together.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> 3. In other words, this second explanation is another case of
>>>>>> "internalization," and the application of the general genetic law
of
>>>>>> cultural development. But LSV adds that this "peculiar genetic
situation" in
>>>>>> the move from pseudoconcepts to concepts should be considered the
general
>>>>>> rule rather than the exception in children's intellectual
development. Does
>>>>>> this not suggest that this same kind of process occurs as the child
moves
>>>>>> from heaps to complexes?
>>>>>>
>>>>>> 4. Generalization and abstraction are the two "channels" in the
>>>>>> development of concepts - LSV refers to them also as "complexing"
and
>>>>>> "segregating." The first is very familiar by the time we get to
chapter 5:
>>>>>> he has been writing about the way a word is a generalization since
the start
>>>>>> (this is where as David has pointed out we find the quotation from
Sapir.)
>>>>>> But abstraction seems to appear out of nowhere. Is there a
treatment of
>>>>>> abstraction/segregating elsewhere in the book that I have missed?
>>>>>>
>>>>>> 5. LSV seems to get to the end of chapter 5 without ever telling us
>>>>>> exactly what a concept it. He suggests that it involves hierarchy,
and
>>>>>> connections that are abstract, essential, and homogeneous. He
proposes that
>>>>>> particular and general are linked. He adds that "most important" is
"the
>>>>>> unity of form and content," for this is what makes thinking in
concepts a
>>>>>> "real revolution." Can anyone pull these somewhat diverse
(complexive?)
>>>>>> characteristics together for me? Do they harmonize with the
treatment of
>>>>>> concepts (of both kinds) in chapter 6?
>>>>>>
>>>>>> 6. Finally, less a question than an observation. LSV writes at the
>>>>>> close of chapter 5 of the way that "Concept thinking is a new form
of
>>>>>> intellectual activity, a new mode of conduct, a new intellectual
mechanism.
>>>>>> The intellect is able to find a new and unprecedented modus
operandi in this
>>>>>> particular activity and a new function becomes available within the
system
>>>>>> of intellectual functions which is distinctive both in its
composition and
>>>>>> structure as well as in the way it functions." I take this as a
clear
>>>>>> indication that for LSV a concept is not simply a new kind of
mental
>>>>>> representation. It is, as Rosch proposes, a new way of relating to
the
>>>>>> world.
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Any guidance through this thicket will be gratefully accepted!
>>>>>>
>>>>>> Martin
>>>>>>
>>>>>> _______________________________________________
>>>>>> xmca mailing list
>>>>>> xmca@weber.ucsd.edu
>>>>>> http://dss.ucsd.edu/mailman/listinfo/xmca
>>>>>>
>>>>>
>>>>> _______________________________________________
>>>>> xmca mailing list
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>>>>>
>>>>
>>>> _______________________________________________
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>>>>
>>>>
>>>> <Chapter six all.doc>_______________________________________________
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>> --
>>
------------------------------------------------------------------------
>> Andy Blunden http://www.erythrospress.com/
>> Classics in Activity Theory: Hegel, Leontyev, Meshcheryakov, Ilyenkov
$20
>> ea
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