mike,
Zizek is the intellectual equivaent of a Viennese pastry: yummy but not very nutricious.
As I was reading the article I kept wondering whether he would mention what's happening in Venezuela and south america generally which give the lie to everything he is saying and at the end he did but in a completely inadequate and clearly uninformed way.
I have the advantage of being able to watch both Telesur (the Venezuelan state TV station) and Globovision (a private Venezuelan TV station) so I'm pretty well informed about what's going on there from both sides. Furthermore, 3 years ago I spent 3 weeks in Venezuela and was able to walk through the streets, talk to people and get a feeling for what was going on. I'm also in contact with people who travel there regularly as well as those who live there.
Chavez is seriously pursuing two goals: the Bolviarian vision of a unified South and Central America and the creation of a socialist society in Venezuela. He is pursuing this through the provision of oil, the development of pipelines to Brazil and Cuba, as well as setting up telecommunications and financial institutions that function completely independently of the central countries of the globalized capitalist economy. Together with Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Cuba firmly supporting this vision; Argentina and Ecuador support the development of a South American union that can break the historical subordination to US and European economic and political domination. Brazil (Lula being a wild card) and Chile are on the margins but not resisting. Colombia and Peru continue to suck on and welcome the IMF and World Bank penetration.
Right and Left are categories within the system of capitalist politics. The real difference is socialism or capitalism. Zizek doesn't talk about this. He's become a super-star of bourgeois intellectuals and seems to have lost any connection, if he ever had one, with the world-historical pulse. I don't think he understands at all what's happening now in South America , without which understanding, he understands nothing.
Fidel Castro kept burning a tiny ember of hope for the development of a humanist socialism for 10 years after the fall of the Soviet Union, against all odds and all the gusano Miami mafias, Chavez has taken that ember and started a bonfire. Zizek should stop playing punk rock and listen to some salsa or merengue instead, maybe visit a santeria priestess, or dance mambo naked beneath a Carribean moon.
The only good thing about the US involvement in Iraq and Central Asia might be the space it has provided for the movement toward socialism in South and Central american countries. But the situation is growing very tense as the global capitalist elites begin to realize that what Chavez is doing is serious, that it does threaten their hegemony; and their opppostion, not just against Chavez but also Evo Morales, is increasing rapidly. . Colombia's president just terminated the Chavez mediation the FARC hostage issue and humanitarian intervention with wide spread international support -- surely under great pressure from the US who are most threatened by the growth of Chavez international stature. Similarly, the international capitalist media's (CNN, FOX, etc.) blow-up the event at the South American president's summit when the King of Spain, an anachronistic feudal parasite, told Chavez to shut up as the latter defended his denunciation of Aznar's participation in
the attempted 2002 coup and called the former Spanish president a fascist, which is absolutely true insofar as he was a supporter of the fascist Franc..
They're scared of Chavez and they should be, the same way vampires should be afraid of the rising sun. So when I read Zizek's question: "What should we say to someone like Chávez?" I just had to chuckle. What "we" is he talking about? Zizek is a bourgeois intellectual whose writings have absolutely no affect on the 2/3 of the world's population who suffer the effects of capitalist exploitation.. Chavez is one of nine children who grew up in a house with a dirt floor (I visited that house and talked to his grade school teachers) who has unified 24 political parties in Venezuela, something truly astonishing in Latin American politics; who has learned from the experiences of previous attempts to establish a socialist society, and who synthesized a coherent and strategic politics at both the national and the international level to create a space for the development of the dual vision I mentioned above.
Left or right? Completely irrelevant. The question is: Socialism or Barbarism? Chavez, is showing that the hopes for socialism are not dead and that the "permanency" of the bourgeois capitalist state is in no way assured. Zizek should stop writing about this kind of stuff, he's starting to sound more and more like Oprah Winfrey.
Paul
Mike Cole <lchcmike@gmail.com> wrote:
Here is an interesting summary of the current situation with respect to
"left" and "right." I thought it worth reading.
mike
-- http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n22/print/zize01_.html LRB 15 November 2007 Resistance Is Surrender Slavoj Zizek One of the clearest lessons of the last few decades is that capitalism is indestructible. Marx compared it to a vampire, and one of the salient points of comparison now appears to be that vampires always rise up again after being stabbed to death. Even Mao˙˙s attempt, in the Cultural Revolution, to wipe out the traces of capitalism, ended up in its triumphant return. Today˙˙s Left reacts in a wide variety of ways to the hegemony of global capitalism and its political supplement, liberal democracy. It might, for example, accept the hegemony, but continue to fight for reform within its rules (this is Third Way social democracy). Or, it accepts that the hegemony is here to stay, but should nonetheless be resisted from its ˙˙interstices˙˙. Or, it accepts the futility of all struggle, since the hegemony is so all-encompassing that nothing can really be done except wait for an outburst of ˙˙divine violence˙˙ ˙˙ a revolutionary version of Heidegger˙˙s ˙˙only God can save us.˙˙ Or, it recognises the temporary futility of the struggle. In today˙˙s triumph of global capitalism, the argument goes, true resistance is not possible, so all we can do till the revolutionary spirit of the global working class is renewed is defend what remains of the welfare state, confronting those in power with demands we know they cannot fulfil, and otherwise withdraw into cultural studies, where one can quietly pursue the work of criticism. Or, it emphasises the fact that the problem is a more fundamental one, that global capitalism is ultimately an effect of the underlying principles of technology or ˙˙instrumental reason˙˙. Or, it posits that one can undermine global capitalism and state power, not by directly attacking them, but by refocusing the field of struggle on everyday practices, where one can ˙˙build a new world˙˙; in this way, the foundations of the power of capital and the state will be gradually undermined, and, at some point, the state will collapse (the exemplar of this approach is the Zapatista movement). Or, it takes the ˙˙postmodern˙˙ route, shifting the accent from anti-capitalist struggle to the multiple forms of politico-ideological struggle for hegemony, emphasising the importance of discursive re-articulation. Or, it wagers that one can repeat at the postmodern level the classical Marxist gesture of enacting the ˙˙determinate negation˙˙ of capitalism: with today˙˙s rise of ˙˙cognitive work˙˙, the contradiction between social production and capitalist relations has become starker than ever, rendering possible for the first time ˙˙absolute democracy˙˙ (this would be Hardt and Negri˙˙s position). These positions are not presented as a way of avoiding some ˙˙true˙˙ radical Left politics ˙˙ what they are trying to get around is, indeed, the lack of such a position. This defeat of the Left is not the whole story of the last thirty years, however. There is another, no less surprising, lesson to be learned from the Chinese Communists˙˙ presiding over arguably the most explosive development of capitalism in history, and from the growth of West European Third Way social democracy. It is, in short: we can do it better. In the UK, the Thatcher revolution was, at the time, chaotic and impulsive, marked by unpredictable contingencies. It was Tony Blair who was able to institutionalise it, or, in Hegel˙˙s terms, to raise (what first appeared as) a contingency, a historical accident, into a necessity. Thatcher wasn˙˙t a Thatcherite, she was merely herself; it was Blair (more than Major) who truly gave form to Thatcherism. The response of some critics on the postmodern Left to this predicament is to call for a new politics of resistance. Those who still insist on fighting state power, let alone seizing it, are accused of remaining stuck within the ˙˙old paradigm˙˙: the task today, their critics say, is to resist state power by withdrawing from its terrain and creating new spaces outside its control. This is, of course, the obverse of accepting the triumph of capitalism. The politics of resistance is nothing but the moralising supplement to a Third Way Left. Simon Critchley˙˙s recent book, Infinitely Demanding, is an almost perfect embodiment of this position.[*] For Critchley, the liberal-democratic state is here to stay. Attempts to abolish the state failed miserably; consequently, the new politics has to be located at a distance from it: anti-war movements, ecological organisations, groups protesting against racist or sexist abuses, and other forms of local self-organisation. It must be a politics of resistance to the state, of bombarding the state with impossible demands, of denouncing the limitations of state mechanisms. The main argument for conducting the politics of resistance at a distance from the state hinges on the ethical dimension of the ˙˙infinitely demanding˙˙ call for justice: no state can heed this call, since its ultimate goal is the ˙˙real-political˙˙ one of ensuring its own reproduction (its economic growth, public safety, etc). ˙˙Of course,˙˙ Critchley writes, history is habitually written by the people with the guns and sticks and one cannot expect to defeat them with mocking satire and feather dusters. Yet, as the history of ultra-leftist active nihilism eloquently shows, one is lost the moment one picks up the guns and sticks. Anarchic political resistance should not seek to mimic and mirror the archic violent sovereignty it opposes. So what should, say, the US Democrats do? Stop competing for state power and withdraw to the interstices of the state, leaving state power to the Republicans and start a campaign of anarchic resistance to it? And what would Critchley do if he were facing an adversary like Hitler? Surely in such a case one should ˙˙mimic and mirror the archic violent sovereignty˙˙ one opposes? Shouldn˙˙t the Left draw a distinction between the circumstances in which one would resort to violence in confronting the state, and those in which all one can and should do is use ˙˙mocking satire and feather dusters˙˙? The ambiguity of Critchley˙˙s position resides in a strange non sequitur: if the state is here to stay, if it is impossible to abolish it (or capitalism), why retreat from it? Why not act with(in) the state? Why not accept the basic premise of the Third Way? Why limit oneself to a politics which, as Critchley puts it, ˙˙calls the state into question and calls the established order to acc ount, not in order to do away with the state, desirable though that might well be in some utopian sense, but in order to better it or attenuate its malicious effect˙˙? These words simply demonstrate that today˙˙s liberal-democratic state and the dream of an ˙˙infinitely demanding˙˙ anarchic politics exist in a relationship of mutual parasitism: anarchic agents do the ethical thinking, and the state does the work of running and regulating society. Critchley˙˙s anarchic ethico-political agent acts like a superego, comfortably bombarding the state with demands; and the more the state tries to satisfy these demands, the more guilty it is seen to be. In compliance with this logic, the anarchic agents focus their protest not on open dictatorships, but on the hypocrisy of liberal democracies, who are accused of betraying their own professed principles. The big demonstrations in London and Washington against the US attack on Iraq a few years ago offer an exemplary case of this strange symbiotic relationship between power and resistance. Their paradoxical outcome was that both sides were satisfied. The protesters saved their beautiful souls: they made it clear that they don˙˙t agree with the government˙˙s policy on Iraq. Those in power calmly accepted it, even profited from it: not only did the protests in no way prevent the already-made decision to attack Iraq; they also served to legitimise it. Thus George Bush˙˙s reaction to mass demonstrations protesting his visit to London, in effect: ˙˙You see, this is what we are fighting for, so that what people are doing here ˙˙ protesting against their government policy ˙˙ will be possible also in Iraq!˙˙ It is striking that the course on which Hugo Chávez has embarked since 2006 is the exact opposite of the one chosen by the postmodern Left: far from resisting state power, he grabbed it (first by an attempted coup, then democratically), ruthlessly using the Venezuelan state apparatuses to promote his goals. Furthermore, he is militarising the barrios, and organising the training of armed units there. And, the ultimate scare: now that he is feeling the economic effects of capital˙˙s ˙˙resistance˙˙ to his rule (temporary shortages of some goods in the state-subsidised supermarkets), he has announced plans to consolidate the 24 parties that support him into a single party. Even some of his allies are sceptical about this move: will it come at the expense of the popular movements that have given the Venezuelan revolution its élan? However, this choice, though risky, should be fully endorsed: the task is to make the new party function not as a typical state socialist (or Peronist) party, but as a vehicle for the mobilisation of new forms of politics (like the grass roots slum committees). What should we say to someone like Chávez? ˙˙No, do not grab state power, just withdraw, leave the state and the current situation in place˙˙? Chávez is often dismissed as a clown ˙˙ but wouldn˙˙t such a withdrawal just reduce him to a version of Subcomandante Marcos, whom many Mexican leftists now refer to as ˙˙Subcomediante Marcos˙˙? Today, it is the great capitalists ˙˙ Bill Gates, corporate polluters, fox hunters ˙˙ who ˙˙resist˙˙ the state. The lesson here is that the truly subversive thing is not to insist on ˙˙infinite˙˙ demands we know those in power cannot fulfil. Since they know that we know it, such an ˙˙infinitely demanding˙˙ attitude presents no problem for those in power: ˙˙So wonderful that, with your critical demands, you remind us what kind of world we would all like to live in. Unfortunately, we live in the real world, where we have to make do with what is possible.˙˙ The thing to do is, on the contrary, to bombard those in power with strategically well-selected, precise, finite demands, which can˙˙t be met with the same excuse. Note Verso, 168 pp., £17.99, May, 978 1 84467 121 2. Slavoj ˙˙i˙˙ek is a dialectical-materialist philosopher and psychoanalyst. He also co-directs the International Centre for Humanities at Birkbeck College. The Parallax View appeared last year. _______________________________________________ xmca mailing list xmca@weber.ucsd.edu http://dss.ucsd.edu/mailman/listinfo/xmca --------------------------------- Get easy, one-click access to your favorites. Make Yahoo! your homepage. _______________________________________________ xmca mailing list xmca@weber.ucsd.edu http://dss.ucsd.edu/mailman/listinfo/xmcaReceived on Thu Nov 22 12:53 PST 2007
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