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The French explicitly reject women as informants and thus must in many cases forego the best possible testimony. Women are almost always, except on the field of battle, in attendance or present at death. The wife does not forsake the husband, the mother the child, in the last moments. In marriage and in birth, the two great acts of registration, the woman is indissolubly associated with the other sex, and from men in death they are not divided. On what ground then is the woman rejected peremptorily as a witness? The French principle is inapplicable to English women. But in England we may well avoid rushing to the other extreme. Why should a majority of the informants of some districts be ignorant women who sign the registers with marks and cannot read and check the entry to which their signature is attached in the national records? (Farr 1885, 226)
Farr went on to write that classification was "another name for generalization," which was basic to the natural sciences, and that good classification depended on the "form, character, and accuracy of the observations" (Farr 1885, 233). He recommended that the mode of observation should be recorded along with the cause of death. In the early 1900s in Russia, one priest would have the task of filling in the death certificates for a scattered population of 100,000 rural inhabitants (Fagot-Largeault 1989, 242). These results would in no way be comparable with the meticulous statistics collected in Paris. Such discrepancies, through a slow series of changes, have become less marked, although they have by no means disappeared (see Sorlie and Gold 1987). Comstock and Markush (1986, 180) remark that "most physicians have had no training in the purpose and process of death certification . . . medical information on death certificates is often incomplete . . . diagnoses on death certificates do not necessarily reflect information obtained after death . . . mortality statistics are not published promptly.''
The original list of causes of death covered several million people. The ICD's fith edition (1938) was estimated to cover a reasonable proportion of the world population at 630 million (League of Nations 1938, 946). The current tenth edition is not yet by any means universal; several countries have decided to stay with ICD-9.
With the rise of the state and of statistics playing such a role in the creation and maintenance of the ICD, it is no surprise that the list itselfto the casual glance a flat list of causes of deathhas inscribed affairs of state onto its representation of the afflicted human body, as shown in the last chapter. From the beginning, the definition of the moment of life has been a key battleground. Catholic countries fought to recognize the embryo as a living being, statistically equivalent to an infant; Protestant countries were far less likely to accord the status of

 
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