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Re: [xmca] FW: Holodynski, The Internalization theory of emotions
- To: lchcmike@gmail.com, "eXtended Mind, Culture, Activity" <xmca@weber.ucsd.edu>
- Subject: Re: [xmca] FW: Holodynski, The Internalization theory of emotions
- From: Andy Blunden <ablunden@mira.net>
- Date: Tue, 09 Apr 2013 13:02:20 +1000
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Mike, page 27 of the Holodysnki article does summarise the work on
social smiling dealt with more fully in the other article:
Another social mechanism of emotional development can be observed
especially in cultures with extensive face-to-face interactions
between caregivers and their infants, such as Western cultures and
the Minangkabau culture in West Sumatra. This is called affect
mirroring (Gergely & Watson, 1999). When infants show emotional
expressions, caregivers often intuitively use their own expression
to mirror the inferred infant expression in a succinct and
conventionalized manner, for example, by mirroring a baby’s smile
and praising him for it or by playfully mirroring a baby’s painful
grimace and sounds of distress before accompanying the removal of
the distress with soothing sounds. Affect mirroring works like a
natural “biofeedback” training that enables the infant to also
experience contingencies between her own feelings and the
corresponding expression mirrored in the face and body of her
caregiver. It supports the acquisition of the conventionalized
expression signs within the given culture and prepares the conscious
perception of feelings (see Fontagy et al., 2002).
Culture-specific conditions can have an impact on the development of
emotions because of the incomplete state of neonate emotional
expression and cognitive abilities, as just described. Two pathways
are possible: Culture-specific educational practices determine the
extent to which children are exposed to situational causes of single
emotions, such as, elicitors that trigger distress or joy. Second,
culture-specific patterns regulate how caregivers interpret
children’s expressions and how they react to them.
As cross-cultural studies have shown, parents from different
sociocultural contexts value different socialization goals and
strategies. These strategies, in turn, depend on culture-specific
ethnotheories of parenting that specify what is considered to be
appropriate contact with one’s infants (Keller et al., 2006; Keller,
Völker, & Yovsi, 2005) and influence the interactional parenting
practices that parents apply (see Demuth, this issue; Kärtner et
al., this issue; Keller & Otto, 2009).
The differences in these practices can be observed in a
cross-cultural comparison of the development of social smiling in
the young infants of middle-class mothers in the German city of
Münster and rural Nso mothers from Kumbo in the northwest of
Cameroon (Wörmann et al., 2012). During free interactions, the urban
German mothers particularly preferred dialogic communication with
their 6- and then 12-week-old infants. This was based on positive
emotional expressions with smiles and a friendly intonation. Rural
Nso mothers, in contrast, preferred a prompt satisfaction of their
infant’s bodily needs but considered face-to-face interactions to be
unimportant. In line with these different ethnotheories, German
mothers and their 12-week-old infants not only smiled at each other
more frequently but also imitated the smiling of the other more
frequently than Nso mothers and their infants, who only occasionally
displayed social smiling.
The study also shows how dialogic, face-to-face interactions between
infants and parents are not practiced to an equal extent across all
cultures, indicating that conclusions based on such behavior cannot
be generalized without further empirical research (see White, this
issue). Several cross-cultural studies have demonstrated how
different educational practices lead to different frequencies and
features of expression (Cole, Bruschi, & Tamang, 2002; Friedlmeier &
Trommsdorff, 1999; Lewis, Takai-Kawakami, Kawakami, & Sullivan, 2010).
Andy
mike cole wrote:
I believe that the idea of age periodization in Vygotsky (and Leontiev, and
Piaget and ..... ) almost certainly needs to be enriched by ethnographic
research on variations in what constitutes a milestone and when it is said
to occur across cultures, social classes, genders, history, etc. The very
use of the word, pre-school, tips the game.
I am personally really interested in the development of social smiling in
the first year of life and would love
to discuss that topic with respect to the general theory because in some
ways it is a paradigm case. But to do that on XMCA is to get everyone
reading the empirical article on this subject in this issue of MCA and that
we are not supposed to do. Groan.
mike
On Mon, Apr 8, 2013 at 10:15 AM, Peter Smagorinsky <smago@uga.edu> wrote:
Manfred, thanks for responding.
Note that I did not reject what's in the article, only noted what seems to
me to be a glaring omission. I can't say I've got an easy answer to the
question of what occurs emotionally during adolescence, because it's a
period of continual change in just about every regard. It's also not an
area in which I have any sort of expertise, so I was hoping the article
would enlighten me. p
Dear Peter,
you're right in considering the gap between childhood and adulthood in the
internalization theory of emotion and it is necessary for future research
to fill this gap.
However, addressing this is a bit like "I want all - or it could not be
good". So, what's about these developmental phases I have addressed?
Neonates, infants, preschoolers and children? How do you think about the
conception of these periods? I adopted Vygotsky's periods of the
acquisition of sign use to the development of emotions. And indeed, the
internalization of sign use is completed in a first developmental cycle
during late childhood. It is an interesting questions which are the main
development tasks for adolescents in the development of emotions. Is it the
emergence of new emotions such as falling in love or national pride or/and
is it a new quality of emotion regulation such as regulating emotions in
advance, that means, to anticipate the satisfaction of motives in the
future and to regulate one's life - and emotions - from this perspective.
But then, it is a question of emotion regulation and not so much a question
of the emergence of new emotion qualities.
Manfred
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*Andy Blunden*
Home Page: http://home.mira.net/~andy/
Book: http://www.brill.nl/concepts
http://marxists.academia.edu/AndyBlunden
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