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Re: [xmca] Link to this month's article



Yrjö, along with Peter I have also had the apparently false impression that doing things like setting up a Change Lab in a hospital is a form of business management consulting. The goal of helping to "construct settings more conducive to collective productivity" was explicit in articles I've read, and that seems consistent with essential goals of business management consulting. I've heard this conception of the Change Lab mentioned at least verbally by many people, including myself. This description is not meant to be anything but an objective description of essential relationships. I worked in a factory for years, and if someone had set up a Change Lab, it would have looked and acted exactly like business management consultants interacting with people on the floor. Such interactive projects did appear periodically, sometimes led by Japanese "lean manufacturing" oriented consultants. I suspect others besides myself have used the same reasoning to view the Change Lab as a form of business management consulting. No one, of course, wants to misrepresent anything. Would you please set things straight? Other than methods of arriving at suggestions and recommendations, what is the difference?
- Steve


On Sep 12, 2010, at 5:02 AM, Yrjö Engeström wrote:

This is a brief comment to Peter Smagorinsky's message, copied below.

Quixotian attacks on triangles have been a relatively common genre for some years now. I usually do not get involved in those discussions because I don't find them productive. However, I am slightly bothered by the following sentence in Peter's message: "Engeström, at least from what I've read, employs it [the 'triangle framework'] as a consultant to business management to help construct settings more conducive to collective productivity."
Since I have never done business management consulting, I would like  
to know on what readings Peter might be basing his statement.
Cheers,

Yrjö Engeström

-----
smago kirjoitti 10.9.2010 kello 22.29:

http://lchc.ucsd.edu/MCA
Mike Cole is heading out on vacation, and so asked me to start the discussion of the MCA article "Construction of Boundaries in Teacher Education: Analyzing Student Teachers' Accounts," which the electorate identified as this issue's paper for us to consider on the network. I didn't know that Mike actually took vacations. But I did agree to help launch this discussion, and help to sustain it once it gets going. I have done a number of studies with similar populations to those featured in this article-that is, I've studied the transition that teachers make when moving from their university preparation through the first year of full-time teaching. I've also been part of a university teacher education program in English Education (which is the teaching of literature, writing, and language; it is not ESOL) for the last two decades, and before that regularly mentored student teachers in my jobs at secondary schools in the US. So I do have some familiarity with the issues at stake in this article.
One difference: Jahreie and Ottesen use what they call "Cultural- 
Historical Activity Theory" to motivate their work, and I once did  
too. But as CHAT has gravitated to Engeström's interpretation and  
exposition via his Triangle, I have moved away from this  
orientation and now only claim to use Vygotskian principles to  
formulate my analyses. So if I were to pose an opening question  
that perhaps might appeal to those who aren't interested in teacher  
education, it would be: What is CHAT, and which version of it do we  
invoke when we claim to use it? Cole's Cultural Psychology did  
include the famous Triangle, yet seemed very ecumenical in drawing  
on a host of sources so that it was not the centerpiece of his  
conception of CHAT. Engeström's system seems more closed to me,  
involving a specific set of terms and constructs all bound in The  
Triangle. Perhaps because I entered this field through the writing  
of Vygotsky and Wertsch (and Engeström is clear in the introductory  
chapter to Perspectives on Activity Theory that Wertsch is not an  
activity theorist, nor are Lave and Wenger), I don't equate  
Engeström with either Activity Theory or CHAT, and have disavowed  
that nomenclature in my more recent work. So what is it about the  
Triangle that has become so alluring that it has squeezed out other  
compelling conceptions of Leont'ev's reformulation of Vygotsky's  
work so that it shifts attention from the individual-in-context to  
the collective itself? I find this shift to be particularly  
troubling in U.S.-based scholarship in which the Triangle is often  
thrown up on conference screens but never put to any evident use in  
the research reported. For Scandinavians and others from nations  
with more collectivist orientations, the adoption of a  
wholeheartedly Marxist approach makes better cultural sense. And  
with that I will move to the article in question, authored by  
faculty members from the University of Oslo.
Jahreie and Ottesen's article concerns the conflicting demands of  
the different settings faced by student teachers-those who are at  
the end of their university teacher education programs and  
beginning to transition to school-based teaching positions by  
apprenticing under the mentorship of a full-time teacher, ideally  
one who is a "master" teacher (but as I know from experience, this  
is not always the case). In my reading of the paper, I see an  
effort to use Engeström's terminology to account for processes  
involved when student teachers engage with established members of  
different settings that inevitably provide different "objects" for  
activity: the university with its effort to produce a particular  
kind of teacher, and the schools with their efforts to produce a  
particular kind of student. A second general question I would pose  
is: From what I can tell, most countries have settled on a very  
similar model for teacher education: general education coursework,  
specialized disciplinary course work, education course work, field  
experiences, student teaching, and then the first job. Given that  
this model seems to occur worldwide-amidst nations of different  
emphasis, orientation to learning, economic structure and process,  
history, demographics, and so on-what broader activity setting  
seems to suggest this approach as the most efficacious in the  
preparation of new teachers, regardless of national character and  
culture? In the U.S. there are presently moves afoot to provide  
alternative pathways to teaching careers, but most university  
programs follow this sequence. Apparently this process, with  
expected variation, is universal. But why?
To return to a separate point emerging from this same general  
observation: The authors say (p. 231) that "The object of the  
activity for the [university Department of Teacher Education] is  
student teachers' learning trajectories. The object of activity for  
the schools, however, is pupils' learning." Actually I think it's  
more complicated than that, at least in the schools, where a  
primary problem facing educators is agreeing on the purpose of  
education. Even "student learning" is a highly contested construct,  
one that creates the sort of boundary problems elaborated in this  
article. In schools, it's often the ability to perform on tests,  
while in the "progressive" university environment, it might involve  
learning more about the self and how to express or explore it. Or  
something else. For some people, schools exist to socialize young  
people into adult roles, often based on the economic circumstances  
of their families. For others they should promote upward mobility.  
Or learn a trade, or become better informed citizens, or learn to  
follow authority, or learn to question authority, or learn how to  
memorize information, or learn how to construct knowledge, or learn  
how to answer questions, or learn how to pose questions, or do any  
of many other things. I've referred to this problem as the "mixed  
motive" of the setting of schools, one that can shift from teacher  
to teacher, which complicates the idea that the "object of activity  
for the schools is student learning." Another question thus might  
be, For complex settings like schools, how do we know what the  
object of activity is? (I'm using the authors' language here; I'm  
more comfortable with Wertsch's use of "motive" [1985] to describe  
the overriding teleological goal toward which activity in a setting  
is directed.)

I'll pose one final question before inviting others to contribute to the discussion: What are the perils involved in using The Triangle as an a priori framework for studying activity? Engeström, at least from what I've read, employs it as a consultant to business management to help construct settings more conducive to collective productivity. To what degree can it then be extrapolated to other kinds of settings that do not share the business environment's relatively closed-ended motive (to produce and sell widgets, etc.)? When the objects/goals/motives are less amenable to agreement, how appropriate is The Triangle as a template for understanding activity, or promoting activity of a certain sort? When the transfer of The Triangle involves a great leap, as from a post office to a school, to what degree might it serve as a Procrustean Bed rather than a useful heuristic for understanding activity? (Procrustes was an Attican thief who laid his victims on his iron bed. If a victim was shorter than the bed, he stretched the body to fit; if the victim was too long, he cut off the legs to make the body fit. In either case the victim died.)
OK, that's enough of a starter kit. Please join in and feel free to  
ignore what I've written and launch something else, or help me  
clarify my confusion regarding the questions I've raised.
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