Great info pouring in Richard, thanks. I attach the intro to Newfield's unmaking of the public u provided by Althea and an important article I had not read on the consequences of diversity for college students suggested by Jay. March 4th looks to be an interesting day. For once i hope for sunshine around here! mike On Sat, Feb 27, 2010 at 12:23 PM, Richard Beach <rbeach@umn.edu> wrote: > Mike, one perspective to adopt on these events relates to the emotions > associated with White college students’ resistance to framing these issues > as a reflection of institutional racism evident in the fact that so few > Black students can even attend UCSD, particularly low-income Blacks, due to > reductions in support for public higher education not only in California, > but nationally where “public” universities are now primarily “private.” > > From a 3-g CHAT perspective, one way to connect the dots related to how > different systems (real estate values <---> racial segregation <---> > resistance to taxes supporting the “other”/Prop 13 <---> cuts in > state/higher education budgets) in California created this situation is > Sheryll Cashin’s *The failures of integration: How race and class are > undermining the American dream. * New York: Public Affairs, 2005 (For her > publications: http://tinyurl.com/y9w3a7f). > > Cashin argues that while neighborhoods in the past were often integrated in > the first part of the 20th century, they became increasingly segregated > later in the century as the real estate industry, in conjunction with local > governments, as a means of creating a hierarchy of “desirable” versus less > “desirable” neighborhoods according to the racial demographics of those > neighborhoods. In some cases, government housing/zoning policies prohibited > African Americans or Latinos from living in certain neighborhoods. > > These policies sparked the “white flight” exodus from urban neighborhoods > into the suburbs (Weis & Fine); then, when even inner-ring suburban > neighborhoods became more diverse and therefore less “desirable,” whites > moved to exurban neighborhoods, leading to the fact that a city like LA is > highly segregated. These policies also resulted in inflated housing prices > simply given the perceived value of living in “desirable neighborhoods.” > This also led to resistance to “tax revolts” to paying taxes for support of > the “other” in the perceived less “desirable” neighborhoods.” > > Unfortunately, as Bonilla-Silva’s (2001; 2003) survey data indicates, many > college students resist framing these issues as a matter of institutional > racism. > > In her work as a composition/rhetoric researcher, Jennifer Trainor seeks to > explore the emotions related to that resistance constituted by “systems of > privilege.” You might consider using her essay, “The Emotioned Power of > Racism: An Ethnographic Portrait of an All-White High School,” *College > Composition and Communication, 60*(1), 82-112, 2008. In that essay, she > notes: > racist assertions do not always or even often originate in racist attitudes > or belief. Instead, racist > language functions metaphorically, connecting common racist ideas to > nonracist feelings, values, beliefs, and associations—emotioned positions > that > are learned in school. I suggest that racist discourses are best understood > as > psychosocial rhetorical phenomena—forms of persuasion that need to be > understood > not only for their political meanings and implications but also for > their persuasive subjective and affective coherence—and that racist > discourses > structure feelings sometimes linked to, but surprisingly rarely reducible > to, the > racial politics such discourses forward. I then extend this argument to the > infrastructure > of schooling—those tacit, taken-for-granted practices and rituals > that scholars have linked to the teaching of social class identities—to > show > how school scaffolds the emotioned frameworks within which racist > discourses > become persuasive. I suggest that part of what makes racist discourses > cohere > and thus what makes them persuasive is school itself—its infrastructure, > which > exerts a powerful, but largely unacknowledged, pedagogical and persuasive > force.3 Finally, I turn to materials gathered from Laurel Canyons—students > narratives of their first memories of learning about race, transcripts of > class > discussions, and interviews with students conducted informally in the > classroom > and more formally, in the private setting of the library. These materials > are used to illustrate the argument above, and as such they suggest > provocative > new directions for those interested in whiteness studies and anti-racist > pedagogies, particularly those that conceptualize white privilege as a > property > (as Peggy MacIntosh does in her widely used essay “Unpacking the Knapsack > of White Privilege”). Indeed, my argument here raises questions about > privilege- > as-property metaphors in anti-racist education; these may not be effective > tropes with which to explore racism with white students. Consider, for > example, Laurel Canyons’ contradictory demographics: at the time of this > research, > the school was moderately high-achieving, with slightly higher than > statewide average scores on state standardized tests. The median home value > in the district was above the state average, and fewer than 7 percent of > the > students qualified as “low income.” The population of adults in the > district > who had college degrees was nearly 40 percent (above the national and state > percentages). Yet most of the students in Elizabeth’s classes had no > college > plans. Indeed, the overall percentage of the state’s population who had a > bachelor’s degree was 16 percent at the time of this research, a fact I had > to > repeat several times as I talked to colleagues about this research. Many > students > in Elizabeth’s classes hailed from ambiguous class backgrounds: one student > had a parent with a college degree and another who worked as a beautician, > for example; another had college-educated parents who themselves doubted > the value of a college degree and pushed their child instead toward > community > college; another lived in a mobile home with her family but took, and > excelled > in, all the high-track classes in school. In these ways the students > problematized the economic metaphors of white privilege. Their lived > experiences > suggest a view of whiteness as a dynamic, emotioned, rhetorical process > rather than a “property”—metaphoric or actual— that gives way to racism as > a rational way to hang on to what one owns or as a compensatory “wage” paid > to working-class whites. This is not to suggest that privilege and racism > were > not at work at Laurel Canyons, in the choices available to the students and > parents, and in the educational and social power they wielded. This is > power > that is not accessible, or not accessible to the same degree, to students > of color > and their families. I do not, that is, want to lose sight of the very real > system of > whiteness in place in public education and elsewhere. However, I do want to > suggest here that the metaphor of whiteness as property and the conception > of > racism as a response to the need to protect that property do not adequately > capture the complexity of systems of privilege as they are affectively > experienced. (pp. 85-87). > > > > > > > > > > > > On 2/26/10 5:07 PM, "Lois Holzman" <lholzman@eastsideinstitute.org> wrote: > > > Hi Mike, > > I just read about the events in the last week or so at UCSD. > > I don't know of a reading on this specific topic...but peripheral might > be > > something Joshua Aronson has done and/or this interview Derrick Bell did > with > > Lenora Fulani a few years ago. > > Sounds hard, > > Lois > > > > > > December 21 , 2004 > > > > Professor Derrick Bell interviews All Stars Project > > co-founder, Dr. Lenora Fulani > > by KARLA KEFFER > > > > > > Drs. Bell and Fulani > > > > “The Miracle of Motivation,” an invigorating three-part public interview > of > > Dr. Lenora Fulani, co-founder of the All Stars Project, conducted by the > > distinguished civil rights activist-attorney and Visiting Professor of > Law at > > New York University Law School, Derrick Bell, graced the stage of the > Castillo > > Theatre, Tuesday, November 16, Monday, November 22, and Tuesday, November > 30, > > 2004. The three interviews were hosted by Nathaniel Christian, Barry > Mayo, and > > Beverly Parker, respectively. A wine and cheese reception followed the > > November 16 interview, and Professor Bell was on hand after each dialogue > to > > sign copies of his latest book, Silent Covenants: Brown v. Board of > Education > > and the Unfulfilled Hopes for Racial Reform. > > > > > > Professor Bell kicked off “The Miracle of Motivation” with a discussion > of > > Brown v. Board of Education and the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Having > been a > > young lawyer involved in the desegregation effort, Bell recalled, “The > real > > evil was segregation, and if black folks were willing to let bygones be > > bygones, then white people would comply.” That this did not follow, Bell > > > concluded, illustrated that the real problem was white superiority, while > > > segregation was only a symptom. > > > > Dr. Fulani countered that the All Stars Project and its leadership > training > > program, the Development School for Youth (DSY), picked up where the > civil > > rights movement had failed, that the real problem was not white > superiority, > > per se, but rather a failure to engage the experience of segregation — a > > necessary step if real integration was to take place. One of the DSY’s > > workshops, Fulani explained, serves exactly that purpose. Young people > are > > encouraged to share their experience of disengagement from the > mainstream, > > “white,” culture, and are then challenged to grow and develop beyond that > > > sense of alienation by learning to perform in new and different ways. By > > > gradually integrating into the business world, DSY students discover that > > > professionals, black and white, are, in fact, quite sensitive and > empathic > > toward the inner city black experience, in contradistinction to > conventional > > wisdom. > > > > Dr. Fulani challenged the conventional educational approach toward > inner-city > > youth, which has tended toward consciousness-raising, largely in the form > of > > focusing on teaching young people about their African roots, disputing > both > > its effectiveness and its reliance on stringent ideology. In Fulani’s > > opinion, “the black intelligentsia’s inability to loosen its grip on > cultural > > nationalist ideology has proven more detrimental to the advancement of > > inner-city youth than helpful.” Pigeonholing certain behaviors and > thought > > processes as “white,” Dr. Fulani believes, is a roadblock to development. > “I > > decided a long time ago,” she explained, “to go where I had to go and do > what > > I had to do in the interest of helping young people grow — whether or not > I > > was being ideologically correct.” > > > > Part Two of the series began with a discussion of the non-acquisitional > > learning model of the Development School for Youth and the failure of the > > > antiquated acquisitional-learning model on which the U.S. public school > > education system is based. Professor Bell displayed particular interest > in the > > DSY’s insistence upon punctuality, and how learning to be on time helps > give > > young people a solid foundation. Dr. Fulani said that in inner-city > > communities, young people often don’t learn the importance of being on > time. > > Young people relate to being on time as a disciplinary measure, as > something > > an authority tells them to do because “those are the rules.” The DSY > teaches > > young people that being on time is important because they themselves are > > important. Learning how to be on time teaches young people to take > themselves > > seriously, to take others seriously, and to learn how to put forward > their > > best performances. “The kids who join the DSY self-select,” Dr. Fulani > added. > > “They want to be there. They’re not assigned by teachers; their parents > don’t > > make them come. It’s an agreement between them and us to participate in > > whatever we have to offer.” > > > > “Perhaps the most important component of the DSY,” Dr. Fulani continued, > “is > > the résumé writing workshop. Young people in the DSY have lived their > whole > > lives — gone to school, hung out — within a twenty-block radius. They’ve > not > > been out into the world. Nobody talks to them about workshops or résumés. > I > > think what’s so important about the résumé workshop is that it makes them > see > > that they’ve done something in life that’s worth putting on paper.” > > > > “One of the things that growing up poor does,” according to Fulani, “is > rob > > you of a certain youthfulness. So we allow the young students to be in > touch > > with their youthfulness — to play with things, to come alive and be > excited > > about things. When they come here, we see an awakening of that > youthfulness — > > not of a ‘lost childhood,’ but the youthfulness that gives way to a sense > of > > excitement — something that the schools, unfortunately, don’t promote.” > > > > The series concluded with an in-depth analysis of the debate between the > > developmental learning model, which, as employed by the All Stars > Project, > > Inc. and the Development School for Youth, focuses on growth, and the > > acquisitional learning model, which is the standard in most American > public > > schools and has a devastating effect on inner-city children. According > to Dr. > > Fulani, the acquisitional model, which “teaches kids to be knowers — to > > manipulate and acquire information — has failed the black community > precisely > > because of its complete abandonment of development.” Having few or no > > opportunities to develop, Dr. Fulani believes, is why inner city black > kids > > are “dumber” than middle-class white kids. With only the acquisitional > > learning model at their disposal, black kids find it nearly impossible to > > > learn. > > > > The DSY’s focus on performance, Dr. Fulani stated, serves as a way to > initiate > > young people’s development. The insular lives that many DSY students lead > give > > them few opportunities to discover the world around them and other ways > of > > doing one’s life. The DSY provides young people with new opportunities to > be > > in the world, as opposed to simply acquiring facts. Young people will not > be > > able to grow if facts are all they’re exposed to. DSY graduates perform > better > > in their academic environments, because they’ve learned how to perform. > > > > One of the key components of learning how to perform in a corporate > > environment, said Dr. Fulani, is through learning how to be “less > reactive to > > all that’s wrong with the public school system, and to prejudicial > > statements.” When Professor Bell asked if this would “make blacks more > > passive,” Dr. Fulani responded, “I think growing, along with making and > > responding to challenges, is much less passive than sitting around > complaining > > about how white people treat us. In the DSY, kids learn to put > ‘unpleasant’ > > matters on the table and to ask for help.” > > > > During the question-and-answer sessions that followed each dialogue, > audience > > members proved just as spirited and thoughtful as their onstage > counterparts. > > Many questioners inquired about Dr. Fulani’s hopes and expectations for > young > > people — if she wished for them to merely fit into the system or to > change it > > as well, to which Dr. Fulani responded that it didn’t particularly matter > to > > her what young people did with their lives, as long as they were able to > take > > responsibility for their choices, and to find a measure of order amidst > “the > > madness.” > > > > Karla Keffer holds a B.A. in English from Hobart and William Smith > Colleges > > and an M.F.A. in Creative Writing from New York University. She has been > > published in Limozine Magazine and the Baltimore, MD-based poetry > journal, > > Smartish Pace. Ms. Keffer has been volunteering with the All Stars > Project > > since March 2004. > > > > Lois Holzman, Director > > East Side Institute for Group and Short Term Psychotherapy > > 920 Broadway, 14th floor > > New York NY 10010 > > tel. 212.941.8906 ext. 324 > > fax 718.797.3966 > > lholzman@eastsideinstitute.org > > www.eastsideinstitute.org > > www.performingtheworld.org > > loisholzman.org > > > > > > > > On Feb 26, 2010, at 7:49 PM, mike cole wrote: > > > >> Some have asked me about the current conflict at UCSD. There are several > >> youtube videos, > >> the most recent of which is about an hour old. You can find hints about > more > >> than I or anyone else knows about these events on youtube by typing in > ucsd > >> protest(s). > >> > >> I have not, unfortunately, gotten any suggestions of an essay to use > >> Thursday when the entire campus > >> turns out to confront the budget crisis, with which these events are > >> certainly connected in many ways. > >> > >> mike > >> _______________________________________________ > >> xmca mailing list > >> xmca@weber.ucsd.edu > >> http://dss.ucsd.edu/mailman/listinfo/xmca > > > > _______________________________________________ > > xmca mailing list > > xmca@weber.ucsd.edu > > http://dss.ucsd.edu/mailman/listinfo/xmca >
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