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Re: [xmca] Ethnomethodology and Hedegaard's Article
David asks a great question - what did LSV mean in Chapt 5 (written
about 1930) by the terms "pseudoconcept" and "functional meaning"?
Here is more or less how I read Ch 5 on the pseudoconcept, functional
meaning, and other questions, subject to hearing how other's do.
After all, I reserve the right to learn new things and change my mind
- even after I have put up an argument. So there. :-))
First, functional meaning. If the five year old Jens and the
pedagogue (his Kindergarten teacher) both pointed at a picture of an
infant whale and agreed it was a "baby whale," that would be
functional equivalence. The adult would probably (but not
necessarily) be thinking of the term conceptually, and the child,
complexively. However, regardless of how they individually and
separately arrived at the common functional meaning, they would be
communicating about the same object in practice. The same word is
being used by both people to point to the same object. Functionally,
therefore, their word usage would be equivalent - the functional
meaning would be the same.
And herein lies the beauty of Vygotsky's developmental theory of
concept formation. This brings us to complexive and conceptual
thinking. While the adult may have been conceptualizing specifically
whale calves (newborn and very young whales) in their intended meaning
of the term, the child, who Vygotsky theorized is probably using
mostly complexive thinking in the form of pseudoconcepts up through
adolescence, is likely to be thinking of the meaning of the term
differently. To the child left to their concrete-imaginative devices,
many kinds of things besides whale calves might belong to the meaning
of the term "baby whale."
In fact, everyday speech even among adults might employ complexes, and
not concepts, in this kind of case. In complexive thinking, by a
child or an adult, in addition to referring to whale calves, the term
"baby whales" might include any relatively small whale, or when
looking at a group of whales, might include the smallest one,
regardless of age, or the youngest one, regardless of size. Jens, who
seemed to want to learn things "conceptually," might have fit! Or
would he? Hard to say from the evidence provided, but interesting to
think about.
If I grasp Vygotsky in Ch 5, the tendency in complexive thinking is to
think of word meanings not as concepts driven by rule-based
categories, or by any such scientific conceptualization, but as groups
of objects, features etc. assembled by employing shifting and not
necessarily consistent rules - by associating, chaining, collecting,
etc. Generally speaking, complex thinking employs forms of
synthesis, loose association, generalization and even some limited
abstraction processes that enable the person to engage in essentially
completely concrete thinking unconstrained by overarching and unifying
abstract principles.
But, and Vygotsky stresses this point, children live in a world where
adults, cultural conventions and daily activity drive most of the word
usage around them, so they learn to assign the right adult words to
the right objects out of habit and necessity. School is especially
effective at drilling children with these skills. This can create the
illusion that children are thinking in concepts when they are in fact,
according to Vygotsky, thinking in complexes.
Hence, the term "pseudoconcept." A pseudoconcept is functionally but
not intellectually a concept - intellectually, that is, in terms of
the verbal/mental operations employed, it is a complex.
In Vygotsky's view, it is not until adolescence (11 or so and on) that
the schooled child begins to master conceptual thinking. But it does
happen, and this is a major transformation in thinking processes - a
huge accomplishment, and Vygotsky hails it as such. This is a key
example, as Vygotsky will argue in Ch 6, of his core education thesis:
learning leads development.
I might toss in here that Sylvia Scribner suggested in 1981 or so that
while Vygotsky never mentioned this idea, writing and literacy
specifically may be the decisive factor in the human development of
concept formation, both historically and ontogenetically. In other
words, writing in particular might be the operative factor in
schooling's ability to teach children to master true concepts, and for
humanity as a whole to enter an era of new kinds of thinking
processes. She suggests that this transition in Western society may
have occurred between the Homeric oral tradition and what may have
been entirely new forms of conceptual thinking and speaking enabled by
the newly invented phonetic writing tradition, exemplified by Plato's
Dialogues. In other words, writing made philosophy possible. This
implies that new psychological processes came into being. Thus,
Vygotsky's theory of concept formation is not only about individual or
ontogenetic development, it is also a theory of human social and
cultural progress - and the evolution of the entire species.
Back to the pseudoconcept ... the pseudoconcept, as I read Vygotsky,
refers to word usage where functionally equivalent correspondences
between words and meanings are evident on the outside, but where on
the inside of one or both sides of the dialogue lurks the concrete,
creative, roving, and not-always-linear-logical associations of
complexive thinking.
Vygotsky stresses, but only in brief suggestions, that adults as well
as children often use pseudocomplexes in everyday activity. Has
anyone done any research on this? That could be very interesting
indeed ...
One of the intriguing features of the design of the Vygotsky-Sakharov
blocks, the concept formation test applied in 1928-1929 or so to
hundreds of children, adults and some schizophrenic patients - (this,
of course, is the empirical basis of Ch 5) - was that even when a
child was stumbling toward the right answer, if their reasoning was
complexive, the existence of pseudoconcepts and other forms of complex
thinking could be revealed by the testee's commentary to the tester,
which was strongly encouraged. Vygotsky and Sakharov called this test
the method of dual stimulation because the testee encountered not only
the physical blocks, but a word system for meanings they had to
discover. They did this by introducing the nonsense words that the
blocks would be grouped under at the beginning. It was up to the
testee to discover the relations that determined these groups by
trying out different ideas and discussing their moves with the tester,
who gradually revealed which block belonged to which group during the
session. In the process of interacting with the tester, and telling
them what their reasoning was for guessing at this or that grouping as
they proceeded, their actual syncretic, complexive, preconceptual or
conceptual reasoning was revealed.
In Chapter 6 (dictated from his sick bed in 1934), where he shifted
the focus of his concept formation theory to the development of
everyday and scientific concepts in children, LSV reported on
subsequent experiments - such as complexive vs conceptual
understandings of numbers and arithmetic, and the completion of
causality statements ending in conjunctions such as "because" and
"although" such as "the boy fell off his bicycle because ...", which
revealed some striking differences between everyday (spontaneous,
complexive) and scientific (schooled, conceptual) thinking and speech
in pre-adolescent students.
Vygotsky seems to have largely or completely dropped the term
pseudoconcept in Ch 6 - as well as the term potential concept, which
is an especially interesting but difficult concept because no
experimental results accompanied its introduction into T&S. In Ch 6
LSV began using the term "preconcept" for both terms instead,
alongside his Ch 5-termed formations syncretic images (the
impressionistic thinking of very young children), complexes, and true
concepts.
Clearly, Vygtosky's concept of how concept formation developed was
itself developing. The confusing numbering of stages in Ch 5 suggests
to me that what became the third stage of four (abstract reasoning -
analysis, partitioning, segregation - the second phase of he followed
contemporaries like Groos and called potential concepts), may have
been added on to an earlier draft of version of what became Ch 5
(probably a conference report), which may have not initially mentioned
the abstraction process as a "stage", but when it was so added, the
earlier sections were inadvertently not updated and renumbered
accordingly accordingly. This is just a guess on my part. This is
really just an empirical question of the editing and publishing
process - but exactly what happened to which version and who did or
did not do what may be a hard question to track down a decisive answer
to. But surely, on this question of the contradictory numbering of
the stages in chapter 5, David, Paula and I are not the first to
ponder it? LOL Thousands have probably noticed it, not to mention,
translators and publishers who have worried over it. It wouldn't
surprise me if the editing error was in the original 1934 Russian
version, and has been carried over ever since. But I am just
speculating. Anyone know the story? I have an electronic version of
Ch 5 (from MIA, courtesy of Andy) highlighted up - the discrepancies
are actually quite glaring.
As David says, the four stage schema in some parts of Ch 5, but not
others, which talk of only three stages, is 1) syncretic thinking, 2)
complexive thinking, 3) abstract thinking (the stage where potential
concepts appear), and 4) true conceptual thinking. Vygotsky
emphasizes that these stages and their inner phases do not necessarily
occur in sequence. In reality, they don't appear in the genetic
sequence they are being presented in to understand their logical
relations.
Vygtosky called stages 1) and 2) one root, what could be called the
syncretic-complexive root. And he explained that stage 3, which could
perhaps be called abstract processing, comprised the other root, and
starts very early in life. Animals, in fact, are capable of certain
rudimentary, wordless abstraction processes, and some contemporary
psychologists called these potential concepts, such as when an ape
when wanting a stick might grab other objects which resemble it
qualitatively in some way. As a matter of fact, many of the terms
Vygotsky was using for concept formation were borrowed and modified
from the contemporary literature. Vygotsky also stresses that these
two roots don't appear by themselves - they are generally found
together. One root represents association, synthesis, and the other
root mentally isolating, partitioning, analysis. Analysis and
synthesis are both essential in all stages of concept formation. He
was only separating the two roots out, he explained - (abstracting
them out, to use that term in this context) - for scientific and
analytical purposes.
Ch 6 (1934), with its introduction of two new terms not mentioned in
Ch 5 - everyday thinking and scientific thinking - along with its
fairly severe critique and revision of aspects of the way the stages
were presented and explained in Ch 5 (1930) - suggests to me the
possibility that Vygotsky was headed toward an even more thoroughgoing
reconceptualization of his overall developmental "schema" - but that
is another discussion.
I should mention that Ch 5 of Thinking and Speech represents, in
several very important ways, both the inspiration and the tragedy of
Vygotsky et. al. and their work on concept formation. This occurred
to me as I was reading the very helpful chapter on concept formation
by Van Der Veer and Valsiner in their Understanding Vygotsky (1991)
the other day. First, and most important, there is the, beauty magic
and power of the blocks, of discovering this extraordinary dimension
regarding the psychological functioning of children and humans of all
ages. It is a quite possibly a huge discovery, one that even CHAT
today may not yet fully grasp. Vygotsky emphasized its importance.
But these inspiring discoveries were hard won and accompanied by much
tragedy. There was the suicide of Sakharov in 1928. The 1928-1934
period was one of terrible changes and blows to scientific life in the
USSR, dispersing the cultural-historical research movement, among many
other things. Vygotsky, of course, was deathly ill when he wrote and
assembled Ch 5 and Ch 6, and Thinking and Speech as a whole, in 1934.
And pedology, the study of children that Vygotsky's work on concept
formation was aimed squarely at building, was abolished as a science
in the USSR, along with all of Vygotsky's work, in 1936.
We are today still reconstructing that work, trying to pick up where
Vygotsky, Sakharov and many other left off. We are still, literally,
picking up the pieces. I quite thankful to Paula for her work with
the blocks, which has helped me understand much more about them. I
have always been very curious. Through her ISCAR papers and
presentation, I got a list of their colors, shapes, knowledge of their
very interesting history, etc. And now I am learning a great deal
from her collaboration with David, whose insights into T&S and
Vygotsky, and amazing work leading a team that is translating Thinking
and Speech into Korean is giving me a terrific course in Vygotsky's
most important book, and a much better sense of his theory of concept
formation than I ever had. Xmca once again shows itself to be a
marvelous platform for learning. Who needs textbooks, as Mike
suggests, when we have so many original writings, and boatloads of
valuable commentary and debate, and some of the best CHAT scholars,
thinkers and enthusiasts in the world to discuss this all with on xmca?
Returning to the thread, I like that Mariane has pointed us so
straightforwardly toward some of the core issues that are essential to
Vygotsky's theorizing about the social situation of development, the
SSD. And I like that David and Mike are holding in their hands at the
same time both SSD theorizing and concept formation theory for mutual
examination as we ponder Marianne's article.
At such an intersection of Vygotsky's evocative ideas, we can ponder
many questions ...
What influence does the SSD have on concept development? (Vygotsky
made a strong case, btw, that the mastery of true concepts was NOT a
biologically-based change - brains did not suddenly get a lot bigger
at adolescence, for example). What is the impact of schooling on
concept formation? Why does it have that effect? Is it the reading,
'riting and 'rithmetic, as Scribner suggests?
What about parents, family? What about social class (the affluent,
the poor ... and everyone else)? And conversely, what influences do
the particular forms of concept formation employed by an individual in
a given time of their lives have on that individual's **experience**
of their living SSD? How do "skills" and experiences with forming
syncretic images, complexes, pseudoconcepts, preconcepts, concepts
etc. **impact** social relations, emotional development, personality
development? With what kinds of conceptual formations, just to toss
out a provocative question, do adults verbally process emotional
experience? Do things like social class relations influence this? How?
To bring this back to Mariane's article and finally end this rambling
post with a couple more questions - and I think this first one is the
core question that David was suggesting - through what kinds of
psychological formations - syncretic images, complexes,
pseudoconcepts, potential concepts, preconcepts, concepts, etc. - was
Jens experiencing his day at Kindergarten? And similarly, through
which of these kinds of formations - or others - were his pedagogue
and observer experiencing him - and their own days?
I sure got lots more questions than answers!
Cheers,
~ Steve
On Mar 15, 2009, at 7:32 PM, David Kellogg wrote:
Mike:
Context is a ragbag in linguistics too. Halliday tries VERY HARD to
save it by using Malinowski (context of culture and context of
situation). Widdowson does a much better job with "co-text" and "pre-
text", but most of what we want to study is still "pre-text".
For DEVELOPMENTAL purposes, the answer to this, and also to the ZPD/
ZPL distinction, is right there in the book that LSV never wrote,
"Child Development", in Volume Five. Not culture vs. situation or in-
text vs. out-text, but social situation of development, the crisis,
the new formso f mental life.
Oh, my note. Well, I meant that PSEUDOCONCEPTS are concepts for
others, while true concepts have to be concepts for myself. You are
right to point out that they are not functionally equivalent except
in rather superficial interactions: the child who thinks a "baby
whale" is a baby and not a whale will eventually be undeceived.
Halliday's example, "Some dinosaurs learned to fly and others
learned to swim", which has a conceptual Darwinian interpretation
and a concrete, complexive anthropomorphic one, will eventually be
resolved in favor of the former, so they are not PERMANENTLY
functionally equivalent.
But it takes a while! After all Linnaeus and even Lysenko basically
have a non-conceptual, phenotypical interpretation of how dinosaurs
learned to fly and swim. So functional equivalence is real and
durable.
When LSV insists on functional equivalence (p. 144), I think he's
talking about functional equivalence within Sakharov's experimental
conditions.
Do you think LSV's reference to "three basic stages" on p. 134
EXCLUDES concepts? Or that there are THREE "phases" to the third
stage, "abstraction", "potential concept", and "true concept"?
David Kellogg
Seoul National University of Education
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