CONTEXTS- Chapter 10

Teresa M. Meehan (meehan1 who-is-at unm.edu)
Thu, 14 Dec 1995 22:09:14 -0700 (MST)

Review of Chapter 10, _CONTEXTS FOR LEARNING_. Rogoff, B., Mosier, C.,
Mistry, J. and Goncu, A., "Toddlers' guided Participation with Their
Caregivers in Cultural Activity." by Teresa Meehan

In this chapter, Barbara Rogoff and her colleagues focus the discussion
around some of the similarities and variations in "guided participation"
(Rogoff, 1990) they observed among toddlers and their caregivers from two
distinct cultures--middle-class U.S. (Salt Lake City) and a Mayan town in
Guatemala. This study represents a preliminary analysis of a small data
set that will eventually be part of a larger set of data involving
mother-toddler dyads from Guatemala, India, Turkey, and the United States.

SUBJECTS: The subjects included in the preliminary analyses were eight
Mayan toddlers and their caregivers and eight U.S. toddlers and their
caregivers. The toddlers ranged in age from 12 to 16 months and 20 to 23
months, and there were an equal number of boys and girls. Half of the
Salt Lake City group were Mormons. Half of the Mayan group were
Catholics, and the remaining half of each group claimed to be Protestant.
In addition, the mothers belonging to the Salt Lake City families were
more affluent and had higher levels of education (high school or college)
than the Mayan mothers (third grade or less).

PROCEDURE: The interactions between the toddlers and their caregivers
were videotaped during home visits while the dyads engaged in
predetermined problem-solving activities: 1) working a wooden nesting
doll; 2) making a tortilla or hamburger out of playdough; and 3) "taking
care of" a plastic baby doll.

ANALYSIS: In an attempt to "capture local family goals and practices,"
the authors made a detailed ethnographic transcription of each episode
(p. 231). The collaborative research team then developed categories that
they believed "portrayed the crucial similarities and differences across
communities" (p. 231). (A more detailed description of the method of
"pattern analysis" can be found in Rogoff & Gauvain, 1986).

RESULTS: According to Rogoff et al: "There appear to be striking
cultural differences in the means available for children to observe and
participate in culturally important activities as well as to receive
instruction outside the context of skilled activity. These differences
relate to variations in the explicitness and intensity of verbal and
nonverbal communication and the interactional status of children and
adults" (p. 237).

Verbal and Nonverbal Communication

Rogoff et al found that, although the toddlers from both cultures
received instructions and were shown how to complete each task, the Salt
Lake City caregivers engaged in a greater amount of "parental talk" than
the Mayan caregivers. Interestingly enough, the Mayan toddlers relied more
on nonverbal communication (especially gaze and postural changes), much
like their caregivers. Rogoff et al state: "The emphasis of Western
researchers on talking as the appropriate means of adult-child
interaction my reflect a cultural bias that overlooks the information
provided by silence, gaze, postural changes, smells, and touch" (p. 238).

Interactional Status

The authors of this chapter also found that children's and adults' roles
as conversational partners varied between the two cultures. They note
that in the U.S., children are often treated as status equals (especially
in play situations) but in the Mayan community, adults limit their
interactions with children to work situations. It is up to the older
children in the community to play with the younger children. These
differences in roles impact the conversational exchanges that take place
between the toddlers and the caregivers. For instance, the Salt Lake city
caregivers structured the dialogic interaction so that the toddlers were
given ample opportunity to participate as a conversational peer. The
Mayan toddlers, on the other hand, "never took a peer conversational role
with their parents" (p. 242).

CONCLUSION: Rogoff et al conclude that there are both similarities and
differences in guided participation across cultures. Among the
similarities is the interdependence of toddlers and their caregivers in
cultural activities. The dyads work together to determine their roles and
responsibilities as participants in everyday problem-solving situations.
The variations observed across the two cultures is attributed to "what is
being learned" combined with the differing values, goals, and practices
of each community (p. 249). In other words, the activity of"guided
participation" appears to be a cross-cultural phenomenon, but individual
communities "vary in the goals of development and the nature of
involvement of children and adults" (p. 249).

References
Rogoff, B. (1990). _Apprenticeship in thinking. Cognitive
development in social context_. New York: Oxford University Press.

Rogoff, B., & Gauvain, M. (1986). A method for the analysis of
patterns, illustrated with data on mother-child instructional
interaction. In J. Valsiner (ed.) _The individual subject and scientific
psychology (pp. 261-90). New York: Plenum.